Subsidies for driving
/3 Comments/in New Zealand Economics /by jameszOn this blog we’ve talked a lot about how driving is undertaxed and overused. An aspect of this that we haven’t addressed yet is the funding mechanism for roads in New Zealand. At present, government spending on roading exceeds the revenue gained from road taxes. Essentially this means that road use is subsidised by all taxpayers. As a consequence, road use is inefficiently cheap for all road users even when congestion and carbon emissions are disregarded. Megan McArdle’s right when she says
We clearly need to institute comprehensive road tolls combined with a congestion pricing scheme. Plus, of course, a carbon tax to compensate for the negative externalities drivers are imposing on those of us who use primarily mass transit.
The road tolls she speaks of could be in the form of higher fuel prices, higher licensing costs for vehicles or toll booths on roads. If the government is serious about reducing congestion and decreasing our carbon emissions then ending the subsidy on road use might be a good place to start.
Lifting the cap on GP rates
/in Health economics, New Zealand Economics /by Matt NolanPeople are making a big deal about the fact that National wants to lift the cap on GP (general practitioner) rates. Now I know pretty much nothing about health policy, especially not New Zealand health policy, but I can see some of the merit in getting rid of the cap.
Now before you kill me let me make my case. I agree that in the short run the lift of rates will be painful in areas that do not have competition for GPs. GPs aren’t all going to rush into Otorohanga (small but beautiful country town 😉 ) just because they hear that they can make some extra money there. Furthermore, there is a shortage of GPs, which means if we let them set prices they will have market power and they will set them above the market optimum. Beyond this people are also scared that if prices go up, poor people will not be able to afford health care, and in a society like NZ that is just not right. I agree that these points are highly relevant, but they are not the be all and end all of the argument.
We have a shortage of GPs. You increase the supply of GPs by increasing the return for people for getting trained and moving into that line of work. If we allow GPs to increase rates, then in the long run the supply of GPs will rise, and this is a good thing. Furthermore, if society is worried that poor people will not be able to afford doctors visits, why don’t we give them some sort of subsidy. If we subsidise the price for poor people, then poor people will be able to afford to see a GP, and GPs will still get their market rates.
Price controls are never a good policy. By keeping the price of visits to GPs artifically low we reduce the supply of GPs, by lowering the incentive of students to study and move into this type of work. By allowing market prices we can ensure efficiency. From there, subsidies and targeted assistance are the best ways to achieve our equity goals, not ad hoc price controls.
Orchardists and Labour productivity
/1 Comment/in International economics, Microeconomics, New Zealand Economics /by Matt NolanNZPA released a story about an Orchardist that tried to get out of paying some seasonal workers for a public holiday. All well and good, the contractual obligations of an employer is a topic that is out of my league. However, the final line of the article got my interest.
“When employers treat their workers well by paying their entitlements, their workforce is likely to be much more productive”. This is the claim of the Department of Labour. Now I think by itself this is a fair claim. In the apple picking industry it can be difficult to quantify the amount of effort a worker is putting into picking. The output of the worker depends on both the effort they put in, and the density of the fruit in the area they are picking (I did a little blueberry picking back in the day 😉 ). It is also impractical to constantly supervise workers (as they tend to work over a largish area). As a result of these factors, efficiency wages can increase effort and thereby increase the workers productivity.
However, the context that DOL made this statement in wasn’t purely descriptive. They were trying to tell employers that they should be more generous with their wages, as they should want higher productivity. In this sense I disagree with them. The employer realises that the productivity of their workers depends on the way they treat their workers. If they choose to pay their employees at a low rate, it is because the expected benefit from paying them more is less than the cost of paying them more. Now in the case of the apple orchard this was illegal. However, the employer obviously felt that the probability of getting caught was sufficiently low that the cost of paying his employees (which includes the productivity enhancement, and the loss from getting caught times the probability of being caught) was less than the benefit from paying.
If this is DOLs line on productivity, they are treating employers like they are stupid. They believe that they understand the relationship between employers and employees better than the employers and employees themselves. While I do not have a problem with the idea that higher wages leads to greater productivity, I do have a problem with the idea that firms are not doing what is in their own best interest. If this is how the DOL feels, they need to realise that employers goal is not to maximise the productivity of their workforce, it is to maximise the profitability of their business.
Some people may feel that is would be a good idea to intervene and force firms to pay higher wages and increase labour productivity. If we did this output could rise or fall (depending on the relative effect on productivity), the amount of labour hired would fall (as you would need less labour to produce the same quantity of output), and the effect on prices would depend on the change in output (as we are moving along the demand curve). Ultimately, we assumed that the firm would not want to do this unless the benefit was greater than the cost, if this is the case output from each firm would fall and prices would rise. In the apple industry we face a world price, and for the consumer, the loss of output would be made up by imported apples. However, the leftward shift in the domestic supply curve implies that producer surplus would fall. As consumer surplus hasn’t changed, total surplus from the industry would fall.
So by forcing firms to set higher wages, to force a higher level of productivity than they would have chosen in equilibrium, we get greater unemployment and lower profit in our apple industry. Not an outcome that people on either side of the political spectrum would be particularly happy with.
Note: I am only talking about setting higher wages to receive higher productivity and how that influences efficiency. I am not talking about the equity reasons for higher wages, and I’m certainly not talking about the minimum wage. You can talk about that stuff if you have a point you want to raise, but if anyone gets all ideological and angry about it I’m going to be very mean to you!
Airlines and competition
/5 Comments/in Industrial economics, Microeconomics, New Zealand Economics /by Matt NolanI’ve been thinking about the fact that AirNZ is going to shut down Freedom Air in March 2008. With Freedom Air, Air NZ was able to serve the budget end of the market and the higher quality end by selling a differentiated product. However, the company could have simply offered different services in different compartments of the plane, it seems a touch over the top to create a whole separate brand just to get the advantage of price discrimination (at least in this case).
The true purpose of Freedom air was to prevent competition. By paying a whole lot of money to run a cut price airline, Air NZ was able to make it uneconomical for other potential entrants from coming into the market, as their marginal cost was greater than the price they could set when competing with Freedom. The investment in Freedom air acted as a form of commitment. As the investment in capital, goodwill etc for Freedom air was costly to reverse, Air NZ could credibly commit to fighting a new competitor on the Trans-Tasman route through the low prices Freedom charged, rather than just allowing them entry.
However, Air NZ has dropped Freedom right when Virgin was getting in on the act. I expect this is because the costly commitment to fight the new competitor was not sufficient to prevent the new competitor entering. As a result, Air NZ has decided to dump Freedom Air and just accept that there is a new competitor. I guess this is fair enough, as Virgin has some very deep pockets, and if Air NZ decided to fight them they may well be on the losing end. As a result, Freedom Air was a useful mechanism to reduce small scale competition in the market place, but it was not effective at preventing the arrival of one of the big boys.
In the future, I’m sure the case of Freedom Air will be a useful case study in how an incumbent can use costly commitment to prevent the entry of a new competitor. How do you think the commitment game functions in this case?
Fortnight in numbers
/1 Comment/in New Zealand Economics /by Matt NolanThis time instead of being lazy I’ve actually been a bit busy, so here are some numbers from the last fortnight.
- Net annual arrivals fell to 8,730 in August
- Tourist arrivals rose 5.8%pa in August
- CA deficit came in at 8.2% of GDP in June
- Electronic sales rose 9.2%pa in August
- Core retail sales rose 5.0%pa in July
- House sales fell 9.8% (SA) between July and August
- TOT rose 0.6%
- Manufacturing output rose 3.2% (seasonally adjusted) over the June quarter.
- RBNZ didn’t change the OCR
- The exchange rate went between 0.686US and 0.746US busy times.