Don’t forget that prices change!

Over on Kiwiblog David Farrar discusses how redistributive the tax system is, and how including average welfare households that earn $60k “effectively pay no tax”.

There are a few points to keep in mind when looking at this:

  1. The obvious one that you will always hear is that a tax and benefit system is supposed to be redistributive – this is the point.  So the question is how much redistribution we want, especially given that there is a cost in terms of “efficiency” (having private and social value align from market activities).
  2. Let us focus just on wages.  Comparing gross and net wages over the entire tax system doesn’t make sense – it is a appoximation for how “small” changes in tax will work, not large changes:  The key point here is that the gross wage is the “cost to the employer” while the net wage is the “renumeration for the employee” – the tax paid isn’t all “cost to the employee”, it is shared between the employer and employee based on the idea of tax incidence.  If the “tax” wasn’t there, this does not mean that the high wage household gets all that income – so saying it that way “exaggerates” their contribution to redistribution.  In truth, the tax paid by those wage earners is the contribution from that market transaction – which is a very different thing to think about!  Note:  I am saying wages would change if the tax system changed.
  3. On the note of market, redistribution works by changing relative demand for goods and services and endowments of individuals – in this way relative prices change.  If we are talking about contributions in terms of the goods and services we care about, and over the entire tax system in this way, we need to think about how goods and services prices change as well!

Yes our tax system is progressive – but framing it as “the top 5% of households pay 47% of tax” is a bit mischevious.  In fact, it would be closer (but not perfect) to say that market transactions that involve the top 5% of income earners contribute to 47% of the nominal value of tax revenue … a little less us vs them right 😉

I think Bill English is spot on saying:

“But people who call for even greater transfers to low income families, or who call for the top tax rate to be raised, need to be aware of how redistributive the tax and income support system really is,”

Indeed we should consider the starting point – to many people view increasing redistribution as always increasing social justice, when that is not the case.  However, Farrar’s point does not follow:

Income tax rates should be lowered

I’d prefer it if he fleshed out whether this means an increase in other taxes, or a cut in spending, as the normative implications are very different 🙂

Some links on bubbles and monetary policy

Robert Shiller has writtem extensively about bubbles.  Via Stephen Kirchner I saw the following:

Because bubbles are essentially social-psychological phenomena, they are, by their very nature, difficult to control. Regulatory action since the financial crisis might diminish bubbles in the future. But public fear of bubbles may also enhance psychological contagion, fueling even more self-fulfilling prophecies.

One problem with the word bubble is that it creates a mental picture of an expanding soap bubble, which is destined to pop suddenly and irrevocably. But speculative bubbles are not so easily ended; indeed, they may deflate somewhat, as the story changes, and then reflate.

Trying to understand the mechanism, and the such, is indeed important for policy.

This also feeds into the discussion about keeping financial and monetary policy separate (via Scott Sumner):

If you look closely, the parallels to the Fed’s dramatic QE policies and current financial stability concerns are uncanny. In both stories, the recession was identified as the result of speculative excess. In response to the crash, both times the Federal Reserve embarked on a program of monetary easing. However, in both instances excess reserves failed to budge, and this was interpreted as a sign that banks just didn’t want to lend — the Fed was pushing on a string. Finally, as excess reserves persisted, the threat of “speculative purposes” was used to bully the Fed into tightening. The key difference between now and then is that we have a Fed that recognizes its role in supporting the real recovery. Those in 1936 were not as lucky.

Why did the Fed go on such a destructive path in the 1930’s? Rotemberg identifies the tightness of policy as a consequence of something called the “real bills doctrine”. Under the real bills doctrine, the Fed saw its role as providing credit so that there was enough, and no more, credit to invest in “productive uses”. Since the Great Depression was preceded by a speculative stock bubble, then Fed officials put a premium on making sure credit was put to “productive uses”; The real bills doctrine was the result. According to this doctrine, monetary policy should tighten in recessions when demand for credit falls so as to make sure what credit remains is put towards productive uses. Conversely, monetary policy should ease in booms because firms are looking to find credit to fund their projects. In other words, the real bills doctrine prescribed a procyclical monetary policy.

This goes to show that we need to avoid framing effects when thinking about monetary policy. Because the Great Depression was the result of an equity bubble, then the economists of the day were so concerned about bubbles that they pursued destructive monetary policy. It is just as important to not make the same mistake today. As the real bills doctrine shows, using the tools of financial economics to solve monetary problems can be very destructive.

I would note that the GD likely wasn’t caused by an equity bubble – it was believed to have been caused by an equity bubble.  The fallacy of composition was alive and well in the interpretation of macroeconomics!

Article on Rates Blog on inequality

I didnt’ realise it was “inequality fortnight” when I wrote this – it was just an article I needed to do before carrying on the “tax series” (as the next article there is on progressive taxation).  So I’m sorry if you have suffered from inequality overload.

On that note, here is Geoff Bertram talking about the “pay gap” within organisations – where I think he is being reasonably disingenuous, an issue I might go into more detail on another time if you like!  David Farrar isn’t impressed, and I have sympathy for what David is saying (even though I wouldn’t go as far).  Even though I do like the idea of honours and pay being interchangeable.  Sadly I couldn’t find a clip of the Yes Prime Minister episode that has this … so here is the Yes Minister episode that touches on similar things.  Update:  Here is part of the scene.

Also here is a neat little breakdown of some inequality data across a series of countries by Xavier Marquez.  And here is some US stuff on income mobility – pretty danged useful information.

CIS Winter Policy magazine

Via Stephen Kirchner I see the latest issue of the CIS Policy magazine has a new issue – the Winter 2013 one.  I’ve contributed to this one, so I thought I’d point out that I’m blabbing on about exchange rates, inflation targets, and the neutrality of money – party times.

I didn’t realise Scott Sumner was contributing with a primer on new market monetarism, that is pretty cool.  Sounds like he is also going to be in Australia in a month’s time – any Aussie readers should definitely go along!

For me, all our debates about monetary policy boil down to our assumptions around the long-term neutrality of money – and the mechanism via which money is both non-neutral over one time horizon but neutral over another.  This is an old debate, and true difference between heterodox and mainstream is the view of long-term money neutrality (anti for heterodox, pro for mainstream).  When I heard John Quiggin at NZAE13, this was effectively the case he wanted to build – and when I’ve had comment discussions on the blog from MMT (modern monetary theorists) that has been my interpretation as well.

There is a lot of economic history, and then empirical work (through the 1980s and 1990s), out there discussing all this – that is one area where a load of blog ink could be spilled 🙂

My personal view?  LR neutrality will hold except in the rare case where a shock (where I’m thinking of a shock not just the innovation itself – but includes a policy error due to timing) is large enough to see the economy co-ordinate in a “inferior” equilibrium.  I’d note that NGDP targeting deals with these cases.  And yes, this sounds like Noah Smith’s view of Japan – but I swear this was the view I was taught at university, or at least how I ended up interpreting it 😉

Redistribution and economics

Noah Smith has an excellent post about the “macro wars” that are going on at the moment (ht a reader).

Most of the time, econ bloggers and columnists write as if we were speaking to an audience that has taken a few econ classes. But the more widely read our posts and columns become, the more our real audiences fail to fit this ideal. Most people who read us are smart and educated. But smart and educated non-economists (“normal people”, if you will) see econ – and especially macro – in fundamentally different ways from economists.

I’ve been thinking about these differences for a while, and I’ve reached two major conclusions:
1. Normal people see macro as inherently political.
2. Normal people see macro as being mostly about redistribution rather than about efficiency.
Indeed, this is true.  Even if an economist manages to convince someone they are not political, they will assume the questions we are trying to answer are redistributive ones and not efficiency ones.

Back in 2003, Paul Rubin wrote about this.  His view was the “folk economists” (people without sufficient training in economics – read pretty much everyone) view social interactions as zero sum games, and that this came from evolution and our pre-history.  Economics, specifically efficiency arguments, involve “breaking” these common sense arguments – as we are discussing positive sum games (gains from trade).  His conclusion is that the solution to this issue is to focus on efficiency more strongly, and to teach “folk economists” about economics [Note:  As I mention here I think this view is too harsh to folk economists, understanding heuristics is something WE have to do if we want them to throw away “common sense”]

However, at the moment as Noah states:
So most normal people seem to see macroeconomics as political (even if most economists don’t!), and see redistribution as the main question. The result is that public discussions of macro, on the blogs and elsewhere, usually break down into tribal camps, and thinkers are often seen more as tribal champions than as technocratic advisors or sources of intellectually interesting ideas. Many people see the “-isms” of macro – “New Keyneisanism”, “New Classicalism”, etc. – as political advocacy rather than as dispassionate scientific attempts to explain the world around us.
This is indeed true.  But there are two things here – and in both of them I think economists have to admit fault:
  1. For all the talk about not being in camps, and trying to do objective analysis, economists often turn around and “jump into camps”.  Folk economists can’t observe when it is the “economist” talking and when it is the “ideologue”.
  2. As Noah states in the post, society is VERY interested in distributional issues – and economists often chuck them in the too hard box.

Now you may think I’m being unfair on economists – something that is strange given how much I love them.  However, this is one area where I think economists make subtle logical leaps from “we are only discussing efficiency as it is the only thing we can comfortably discuss” to “only efficiency matters”.  This isn’t on purpose, and NO economist would say that, but the discipline DOES push things that way.

Here is Robert Lucas discussing the discipline saying the opposite.

Of the tendencies that are harmful to sound economics, the most seductive, and in my opinion the most poisonous, is to focus on questions of distribution. In this very minute, a child is being born to an American family and another child, equally valued by God, is being born to a family in India. The resources of all kinds that will be at the disposal of this new American will be on the order of 15 times the resources available to his Indian brother. This seems to us a terrible wrong, justifying direct corrective action, and perhaps some actions of this kind can and should be taken. But of the vast increase in the well-being of hundreds of millions of people that has occurred in the 200-year course of the industrial revolution to date, virtually none of it can be attributed to the direct redistribution of resources from rich to poor. The potential for improving the lives of poor people by finding different ways of distributing current production is nothing compared to the apparently limitless potential of increasing production.
Yes folk economists understate the importance of growing the pie, and they understate the importance of the institutional relationships that exist for doing this (and the long-term responses to relative prices involved in that).  But, economists can use that as an excuse to ignore distributional consequences, or to have to “fit” distributional concerns in an efficiency framework.  I hardly see how economics is focusing too much on distributional issues when the distributional consequences of policy changes are supposed to be one of our main areas of interest!  I’m sorry, but saying we should ignore distribution because pushing out the technology frontier is a “win-win” sounds both oversimplistic and, dare I say it, naive.

Economists are not moral philosophers, they cannot say that something is good or bad especially not in relation to some cardinal value.  But as a discipline we can understand issues of distribution, and we do discuss them – just often not with the same discipline we do when discussing efficiency effects.

When I defended Mankiw it was because he was at least willing to mention distribution and he was saying what assumptions his views hung off.  When I reviewed the Spirit Level I was amazed at its virtual inability to understand the complex relationships involved, and why their conclusions can not be termed as completely “scientific” – their views and analysis are naive (even if I have sympathy for parts of the argument), and “economic science” can do this better.  When I compared economists to Tarot Card readers I was trying to indicate that the language and views we give create their own sort of knowledge for people – a stock of ideas about how the economy works.  If we have done analysis around efficiency and distribution, we need to put more thought in how to communicate those ideas – as they can be taken as statements of “fact” instead of conditional statements for the question at hand.

If you have a society where people are interested in trade-offs and distribution, economists should confront that fact.  Just saying something is efficient and walking off leaves a gap for people to come in and make nonsensical “common sense sounding” arguments about distribution that undermine the argument of economists – even without all the scientific analysis.  Economists can only push past the tribalism if they can improve the way they communicate the strength, logic, robustness, and “scientific” nature of the results the discipline does agree upon.

Zombie economics

I see there is this zombie economics business about economists being like zombies or something.

It is true though right – economists eat all the ideas (brains) to try and process them into a consistent and transparent way for understanding social interaction and the “economy”.  Furthermore, they have trouble communicating in words – just like zombies.

It is sort of uncanny.  This is what people mean though right, they mean economists are taking in lots of ideas but just have trouble communicating the results and the care that needs to be taken with these issues to the public.

What? This isn’t what they meant, they just mean that the ideas are dead but alive, I don’t know if I understand what’s going on …